• A New Ladder Of Citizen Participation Pdf To Excel Converter
• A New Ladder Of Citizen Participation Pdf To Excel
• A New Ladder Of Citizen Participation Pdf To Excel Free
• A New Ladder Of Citizen Participation Pdf To Excel Pdf

/ej oo kay sheuhn/, n. The act or process of imparting or acquiring general knowledge, developing the powers of reasoning and judgment, and generally of preparing oneself or others. Community Participation Methods in Design and Planning: Henry Sanoff, John Wiley & Sons, New York, 2000, 306 pp. Ruth Yabes download BookSC. Download books for free. Social policy: Theory and practice Spicker, Paul download Z-Library. Download books for free. Citizen participation is offered using examples from three federal social programs: urban renewal. Anti­ poverty, and Model Cities. The typology, which is designed to be provocative, is arranged in a ladder pattern with each rung corresponding to the extent of citizens' power in determining the plan and/ or program. The idea of citizen.

A New Ladder Of Citizen Participation Pdf To Excel Converter

that belief is open to doubts that cannot be dispelled by the kind of research that would lead to the conclusion that Russian roulette is harmless. The preponderance of evidence indicates that labor is not exempt from the basic economic principle that artificially high prices cause surpluses. In the case of surplus human beings, that can be a special tragedy when they are already from low-income, unskilled, or minority backgrounds and urgently need to get on the job ladder if they are ever to move up the ladder by acquiring skills and experience.

Informal Minimum Wages

Sometimes a minimum wage is imposed not by law, but by custom, informal government pressures, labor unions or-especially in the case of Third World countries-by international public opinion pressuring multinational companies to pay Third World workers the kinds of wages usually found in more industrially developed countries. Although organized public pressures for higher pay for Third World Workers in Southeast Asia and Latin America have made news in the United States in recent years, such pressures are not new nor confined to Americans. Similar pressures were put on companies operating in colonial West Africa in the middle of the twentieth century.

Imagine that an industry consists of 7 firms, each hiring 1,000 workers before a minimum wage increase, for an industry total of 7,000 employees. If two of these firms go out of business between the first and the second surveys, and only one new firm enters the industry, then only the five firms that were in existence both 'before' and 'after' can be surveyed and their results reported. Both they and the new firm may now have 1,100 employees each, but the industry as a whole will have 6,600 employees400 fewer than before the minimum wage increase. Yet this study can show a 10 percent increase in employment in the five firms surveyed, rather than the 6 percent decrease for the industry as a whole. Since minimum wages can cause unemployment by

(1) reducing employment among all the firms, (2) by pushing marginal firms into bankruptcy, or

(3) discouraging the entry of replacement firms, false reports based on surveying only survivors are a clear danger.

Informal minimum wages imposed in these ways have had effects very similar to those of explicit minimum wage laws. An economist studying colonial West Africa in the mid-twentieth century found signs telling job applicants that there were 'no vacancies' almost everywhere. Nor was this peculiar to West Africa. The same economist-Professor P. T. Bauer of the London School of Economics-noted that it was 'a striking feature of many under-developed countries that money wages are maintained at high levels' while 'large numbers are seeking but unable to find work.' These were of course not high levels compared to what was earned by workers in more industrialized economies, but high relative to Third World workers' productivity and high relative to their alternative earning opportunities in sectors of the economy not subject to external pressures to maintain an artificially inflated level of earnings, such as agriculture, domestic service, or self-employment as street vendors and the like.

The magnitude of the unemployment created by artificially high wages that multinational companies felt pressured to pay in West Africa was indicated by Professor Bauer's first-hand investigations:

I asked the manager of the tobacco factory of the Nigerian Tobacco Company (a subsidiary

of the British-American Tobacco Company) in Ibadan whether he could expand his labor force without raising wages if he wished to do so.

He replied that his only problem would be to control the mob of applicants.

Very much the same opinion was expressed by the Kano district agent of the firm of John Hold and Company in respect of their tannery. In December 1949 a firm of produce buyers in Kano dismissed two clerks and within two days received between fifty and sixty applications for the posts without having publicized the vacancies. The same firm proposed to erect a groundnut crushing plant. By June 1950 machinery had not yet been installed; but without having advertised a vacancy it had already received about seven hundred letters asking for employment. . . I learned that the European-owned brewery and the recently established manufacturers of stationery constantly receive shoals of applications for employment.

The misfortunes of eager but frustrated African job applicants were only part of the story. The output that they could have produced, if employed, would have made a particularly important contribution to the economic well-being of the consuming public in a very poor region, lacking many things that others take for granted in more prosperous societies. It is not at all clear that workers as a class are benefited by artificially high wage rates in the Third World. Employed workers-those on the inside looking out-obviously benefit, while those on the outside looking in lose. The only category of clear beneficiaries are people living in richer countries who enjoy the feeling that they are helping people in poorer countries.

Just as a price set below the free market level tends to cause quality deterioration in the product that is being sold, because a shortage means that buyers will be forced to accept things of lower quality than they would have otherwise, so a price set above the free market level tends to cause a rise in average quality, as the surplus allows the buyers to cherry-pick and purchase only the better quality items being sold. What that means in the labor market is that job qualification requirements are likely to rise and that some workers who would ordinarily be hired in a free market may become 'unemployable' when there are minimum wage laws. Unemployability, like shortages and surpluses, is not independent of price. In a free market, low-productivity workers are just as employable at a low wage rate as high productivity workers are at a high wage rate.

Differential Impact

Some countries in Europe have lower minimum wages for teenagers than for adults and New Zealand simply exempted teenagers from the coverage of its minimum wage law until 1994. This was tacit recognition of the fact that those workers less in demand were likely to be hardest hit by unemployment created by minimum wage laws.

Another group disproportionately affected by minimum wage laws are members of unpopular racial or ethnic minority groups. Indeed, minimum wage laws were once advocated explicitly because of the likelihood that they would reduce or eliminate the competition of particular minorities, whether they were Japanese in Canada during the 1920s or blacks in the United States and South Africa at about the same time. Such expressions of overt racial discrimination were both legal and socially accepted in all three countries at that time.

Again, it is necessary to note how price is a factor even in racial discrimination. That is, surplus labor resulting from minimum wage laws makes it cheaper to discriminate against

minority workers than it would be in a free market, where there is no chronic excess supply of labor. Passing up qualified minority workers in a free market means having to hire more other workers to take the jobs they were denied, and that in turn usually means either having to raise the pay to attract the additional workers or lowering the job qualifications at the existing pay level-both of which amount to the same thing economically, higher labor costs for getting a given amount of work done.

The history of black workers in the United States illustrates the point.

The American federal minimum wage law-the Fair Labor Standards Act-was passed in 1938. However, wartime inflation had the effect of repealing this law for all practical economic purposes during the 1940s, since the wages set in the marketplace for even unskilled labor rose well above what the law specified. The real impact of the law began to be felt after 1950, when the first major revision of the Act began a series of escalations of the federal minimum wage.

From the late nineteenth-century on past the middle of the twentieth century, the labor force participation rate of American blacks was slightly higher than that of American whites. In other words, during this long period before the escalation of minimum wage rates, blacks were just as employable at the wages they received as whites were at their very different wages. The minimum wage law changed that and those particularly hard hit by the resulting unemployment have been black teenage males.

Even though 1949-the year before the series of minimum wage escalations began-was a recession year, black male teenage unemployment that year was lower than it was to be at any time during the later boom years of the 1960s. The usual explanations of high unemployment among black teenagers-inexperience, lack of skills, racism-cannot explain their rising unemployment, since all these things were worse during the earlier period when black teenage unemployment was much lower.

Taking the more normal year of 1948 as a basis for comparison, black male teenage unemployment then was less than half of what it would be at any time during the decade of the 1960s and less than one-third of what it would be in the 1970s. Moreover, unemployment among 16 and 17-year-old black males Was no higher than among white males of the same age in 1948. It was only after a series of minimum wage escalations began that black male teenage unemployment not only skyrocketed itself but became more than double the unemployment rates among white male teenagers. In the early twenty-first century, the unemployment rate for black teenagers exceeded 30 percent.

COLLECTIVE BARGAINING

So far we' have been considering labor markets in which both workers and employers are numerous and compete individually and independently. However, these are not the only kinds of markets for labor. Some labor markets are controlled by laws or by collective bargaining agreements, or both. Some workers are members of labor unions which negotiate pay and working conditions with employers, whether employers are acting individually or in concert as members of an employers' association.

Employer Organizations

In earlier centuries, it was the employers who were more likely to be organized and setting pay and working conditions as a group. In medieval guilds, the master craftsmen collectively made the rules determining the conditions under which apprentices and journeymen would be hired and how much customers would be charged for the products. Today, major league baseball owners collectively make the rules as to what is the maximum total salaries any given ball club can pay to its players.

Clearly, pay and working conditions tend to be different when determined collectively than in a labor market where employers compete against one another individually for workers and workers compete against one another individually for jobs. It would obviously not be worth the trouble of organizing employers if they were not able to keep the salaries they pay lower than they would be in a free market.

Much has been said about the fairness or unfairness of the actions of medieval guilds, modern labor unions or other forms of collective bargaining.

Here we are studying their economic consequences-and especially their effects on the allocation of scarce resources which have alternative uses.

Almost by definition, all these organizations exist to keep the price of labor from being what it would be otherwise in free and open competition in the market. Just as the tendency of market competition is to base rates of pay on the productivity of the worker, thereby bidding labor away from where it is less productive to where it is more productive, so organized efforts to make wages artificially low or artificially high defeat this process and thereby make the allocation of resources less efficient in the economy as a whole.

For example, if an employers' association keeps wages in the widget industry below the level that workers of similar skills receive elsewhere, fewer of these workers are likely to apply for jobs producing widgets than if the pay rate were higher. If widget manufacturers are paying $10 an hour for labor that would get $15 an hour if employers had to compete with each other for workers in a free market, then some workers will go to other industries that pay $12 an hour. From the standpoint of the economy as a whole, this means that people capable of producing $15 an hours' worth of output are instead producing only $12 an hours' worth of output. This is a clear loss to the consumers-that is, to society as a whole.

The fact that it is a more immediate and more visible loss to the workers in the widget industry does not make that the most important fact from an economic standpoint. Losses and gains between employers and employees are social or moral issues, but they do not change the key economic issue, which is how the allocation of resources affects the total wealth available to society as a whole. What makes the total wealth produced by the economy less than it would be in a free market is that wages set below the market level cause workers to work where they are not as productive, but where they are paid more because of a competitive labor market.

The same principle applies where wages are set above the market level. If a labor union is successful in raising the wage rate for the same workers in the widget industry to $20 an hour, then employers will employ fewer workers at this higher rate than they would at either the $10 an hour they set under employer collusion or the $15 an hour that would have prevailed in free market competition. In fact, the only workers it will pay the employers to hire are workers whose productivity is $20 an hour or more. This higher productivity can be reached in a number of ways, whether by retaining only the most skilled and experienced employees, by adding more

capital to enable the labor to turn out more products per hour, or by other means-none of them free.

Those workers displaced from the widget industry must go to their second best alternative. Those worth $15 an hour producing widgets may end up working in another industry at $12 an hour. Again, this is not simply a loss to those particular workers but a loss to the economy as a whole, because scarce resources are not being allocated where their productivity is highest.

Where unions set wages above the level that would prevail under supply and demand in a free market, widget manufacturers are not only paying more money for labor, they are also paying for additional capital or other complementary resources to raise the productivity of labor above the $20 an hour level. Higher productivity may seem on the surface to be greater 'efficiency,' but producing fewer widgets at higher cost per widget does not benefit the economy, even though less labor is being used. Other industries receiving more labor than they normally would, because of the workers displaced from the widget industry, can expand their output. But that expanding output is not the most productive use of the additional labor. It is only the artificially-imposed union wage rate which causes the shift from a more productive use to a less productive use.

Note that either artificially low wage rates caused by an employer association or artificially high wage rates caused by a labor union reduces employment in the widget industry. Another way of saying the same thing is that the maximum employment in any industry is achieved under free and open market competition, without organized collusion among either employers or employees. Looked at more generally, the only individual bargains that can be made anywhere in a free market are those whose terms are acceptable to both sides-that is, buyers and sellers of labor, computers, shoes or whatever. Any other terms, whether set higher or lower, and whether set by collective actions of employers or unions or imposed by government decree, favors one side or the other and therefore causes the disfavored side to make fewer transactions.

From the standpoint of the economy as a whole, the real loss is that things that both sides wanted to do now cannot be done because the range of mutually acceptable terms has been artificially narrowed. One side or the other must now go to their second-best alternative-which is also second-best from the standpoint of the economy as a whole, because scarce resources have not been allocated to their most valued uses.

The parties engaged in collective bargaining are of course preoccupied with their own interests, but those judging the process as a whole need to focus on how such a process affects the economic interests of the entire society, rather than the internal division of economic benefits among contending members of the society.

Labor Unions

Labor unions often boast of the pay rate and other benefits they have gotten for their members and of course that is what enables unions to continue to attract members. The wage rate per hour is typically a key indicator of a union's success, but the further ramifications of that wage rate seldom receive as much attention. Legendary labor leader John L. Lewis, head of the United Mine Workers from 1925 to 1960, was enormously successful in winning higher pay for his union's members. However, an economist also called him 'the world's greatest oil salesman,'

because the resulting higher price of coal and the disruptions in its production due to numerous strikes caused many users of coal to switch to using oil instead. This of course reduced employment in the coal industry.

By the 1960s, declining employment in the coal industry left many mining communities economically stricken and some virtual ghost towns. Media stories of their plight seldom connected their current woes with the former glory days of John L Lewis. In fairness to Lewis, he made a conscious decision that it was better to have fewer miners doing dangerous work underground and more heavy machinery down there, since machinery could not be killed by cave-ins, explosions and the other hazards of mining.

To the public at large, however, these and other trade-offs were largely unknown. Many simply cheered at what Lewis had done to improve the wages of miners and, years later, were compassionate toward the decline of mining communities-but made little or no connection between the two things. Yet what was involved was one of the simplest and most basic principles of economics, that less is demanded at a higher price than at a lower price. That principle applies whether considering the price of coal, of the labor of mine workers, or anything else.

Very similar trends emerged in the automobile industry, where the danger factor was not what it was in mining. Here the United Automobile Workers' union was also very successful in getting higher pay, more job security and more favorable work rules for its members. In the long run, however, all these additional costs raised the price of automobiles and made American cars less competitive with Japanese and other imports, not only in the United States but around the world.

As of 1950, the United States produced three-quarters of all the cars in the world and Japan produced less than one percent of what Americans produced. Twenty years later, Japan was producing almost as many automobiles as the United States and, five years after that, more automobiles. By 1990, one-third of the cars sold in the United States were made in Japan. In 1996, the Honda Accord and the Toyota Camry each sold more cars in the United States than any car sold by General Motors. All this of course had its effect on employment. During the 1980s, the number of jobs in the American automobile industry declined by more than 100,000. By 1990, the number of jobs in the American automobile industry was 200,000 less than it had been in 1979.

Political pressures on Japan to 'voluntarily' limit its export of cars to the U.S. led to the creation of Japanese automobile manufacturing plants in the United States, hiring American workers. By 1990, these transplanted Japanese factories were producing nearly as many cars as were being exported to the United States from Japan. Many of these transplanted Japanese car companies had work forces that were non-union-and which rejected unionization when votes were taken among the employees.

This was part of a more general trend among industrial workers in the United States. The United Steelworkers of America was another large and highly successful union in getting high pay and other benefits for its members. But here too the number of jobs in the industry declined by more than 200,000 in a decade, while the steel companies invested $65 million in machinery that replaced these workers, and while the towns where steel production was concentrated were economically devastated.

A New Ladder Of Citizen Participation Pdf To Excel

The once common belief that unions were a blessing and a necessity for workers was now increasingly mixed with skepticism about the unions' role in the economic declines and reduced employment in many industries. Faced with the prospect of seeing some employers going out of business or having to drastically reduce employment, some unions were forced into

'givebacks'-that is, relinquishing various wages and benefits they had obtained for their members in previous years. Painful as this was, many unions concluded that it was the only way to save members' jobs.

The proportion of the American labor force that was unionized began to decline as skepticism about their economic effects spread among workers who increasingly voted against being represented by unions. Unionized workers were 32 percent of all workers in the middle of the twentieth century, but only 14 percent by the end of the century. Moreover, there was a major change in the composition of unionized workers.

In the first half of the century, the great unions were in mining, automobiles, steel, and trucking. But, by the end of the century, the largest and most rapidly growing unions were those of government employees. The largest union in the country by far was the union of teachers-the National Education Association. The economic pressures of the marketplace, which had created such problems for unionized workers in industry and commerce, did not apply to government workers. Government employees could continue to get pay raises, benefits, and job security without worrying that they would suffer the fate of miners, automobile workers, and other unionized industrial workers. Those who hired government workers were not spending their own money but the taxpayers' money, and so had little reason to resist union demands. Moreover, they faced no competitive forces in the market that could force them to lose business to imports or substitute products.

In private industry, many companies remained non-union by a policy of paying their workers at least as much as unionized workers received. Such a policy implies that the cost to an employer of having a union exceeds the wages and benefits paid to workers. The hidden costs of union rules on seniority and many other details of operations are for some companies worth being rid of for the sake of greater efficiency, even if that means paying their employees more than they would have to pay to unionized workers. The unionized big three American automobile makers, for example, required from 26 hours to 31 hours of labor per car, while the largely non-unionized Japanese auto makers required from 17 to 22 hours.

Chapter 11

An Overview

Although the basic economic principles underlying the allocation of labor are not fundamentally different from the principles underlying the allocation of inanimate resources, it is not equally easy to look at labor and its pay rates in the same way one looks at the prices of iron ore or bushels of wheat. Even aside from the human factor, the sheer magnitude of payments for work dwarfs payments for all other resources. Employee earnings are the largest category of income in the American economy, constituting about 80 percent of national income for decades on end. This is not uncommon in modern industrial economies.

Because wages and salaries are so important in the lives of most individuals, there is a tendency to look at income solely from the standpoint of the individuals receiving it. However, this overlooks the important role of the price of labor in allocating resources in ways which determine the standard of living in the society as a whole. Looking at income solely from the standpoint of individual recipients also tends to portray the economy as a zero sum game, in which what is gained by some is lost by others. But there would obviously never have been the great rises in the general standard of living which have occurred over the years and generations if that were true.

THE MYSTIQUE OF 'LABOR'

In various forms, the idea has persisted for centuries that labor is what 'really' creates the output that we all live on and enjoy. In this view, it is the farmers who feed us and the factory workers who clothe us and provide us with furniture and television sets, while a variety of other workers build the homes we live in and produce the clothes we wear. Karl Marx took this vision to its logical conclusion by depicting capitalists, landlords and investors as people who, in one way or another, were enabled by the institutions of capitalism to take away much of what labor had created-that is, to 'exploit' labor. Echoes of this vision can still be found today, not only among a relative handful of Marxists but also among non-Marxists or even anti-Marxists, who use such terms as 'unearned income' to describe profits, interest, rent and dividends.

This view that there is something special about labor as a source of output, and of the value of individual commodities, existed before Marx was born and not only among radicals, but even among such orthodox economists as Adam Smith, the father of laissez-faire economics. The first sentence of Smith's classic The Wealth of Nations says: 'The annual labor of every nation is the fund which originally supplies it with all the necessaries and conveniences of life which it annually consumes, and which consist always either in the immediate produce of that labor, or in what is purchased with that produce from other nations.' By the late nineteenth century, however, economists had given up the notion that it is primarily labor which determines the value of goods, since capital, management and natural resources all contribute to output and must be paid for from the price of that output, if these inputs into production are to continue to be supplied. More

fundamentally, labor, like all other sources of production costs, was no longer seen as a source of value. On the contrary, it was the value of the goods to the consumers which made it worthwhile to produce those goods-provided that the consumer was willing to pay enough to cover their production costs.

This new understanding marked a revolution in the development of economics. It is also a sobering reminder of how long it can take for even highly intelligent people to get rid of a misconception whose fallacy then seems obvious in retrospect. It is not costs which create value; it is value which causes purchasers to be willing to repay the costs incurred in the production of what they Want. Where costs have been incurred in excess of what the consumers are willing to pay, the business simply loses money, because those costs do not create value, whether they are labor costs or other costs. In one sense, everything we consume is produced by human labor, especially if we broaden the term to include the work of those who plan, manage land coordinate the activities of those who directly lay their hands on the things that are being manufactured or built. Usually, however, the term 'labor' or 'worker' is reserved for those who are employed by others. Thus, someone who works 35 or 40 hours a week in a factory or office is called a worker, while someone who works 50 or 60 hours a week managing the enterprise is not. Clearly, the amount of work you do is not what makes you a worker or not, as that term is popularly used.

If labor were in fact the crucial source of output and prosperity, then We should expect to see countries where great masses of people toil long hours richer than countries where most people work shorter hours, in a more leisurely fashion, and under more pleasant conditions, often including air conditioning, for example. In reality, we find just the opposite. Third World farmers may toil away under a hot sun and in difficult working conditions that were once common in Western nations that have long since gotten soft and prosperous under modern capitalism. If those who are not laborers derive their wealth from exploiting labor, then we should expect to see countries with many wealthy people having ordinary working people who are especially poor. The United States, for example, not only leads the world in the number of billionaires, but has nearly as many billionaires as the rest of the world combined, so ordinary Americans should be especially poor, if the exploitation theory is correct. But in fact ordinary Americans have long had the highest standard of living in the world.

The growth and development of such non-labor inputs as science, engineering and sophisticated investment and management policies, as well as the institutional benefits of a price-coordinated economy, have made the difference and given hundreds of millions of people higher standards of living. Again, this is not something that is difficult to grasp-once the misconceptions have been gotten rid of However, those misconceptions tend to linger on wherever they can find refuge, even after they have been formally banished by logic and evidence. Official government statistics are still cast in such terms as 'unearned income,' and 'productivity' is often defined as output divided by the labor that went into it. International trade is still discussed as if high-wage countries cannot compete successfully with low-wage countries, as if labor were the only cost of production. In reality, high-wage countries have been competing successfully with low-wage countries for centuries, precisely because of advantages in capital, technology and organization, which enable high-wage workers to produce so much more that the labor cost per unit of output is often lower than in low-wage countries.

For years, India banned imports of automobiles from the United States and Japan, in order to protect its own domestically produced cars, made by workers who were paid much less than American or Japanese workers. Consumers in India were for years forced to pay far higher prices for automobiles-and to get on waiting lists to buy them-because the products of their low-wage

workers could not compete in price or quality with automobiles shipped thousands of miles from high-wage countries.

Misconceptions have practical consequences, sometimes needlessly holding down the standard of living of poor people. Antipathy toward 'unearned incomes' has led to attempts to control or suppress profits in various countries at various periods of history, with the result of discouraging the investment of capital that those countries have desperately needed, in order to raise the standard of living of their people. In some cases, the more prosperous classes in these poor countries have invested their capital abroad, in richer industrial nations that do not tax or restrict capital so much-leading to international transfers of wealth from where it is most scarce to where it is most abundant, as a result of the domestic politics of envy and resentment, compounded by economic confusion.

A New Ladder Of Citizen Participation Pdf To Excel Free

What can be seen physically is always more vivid than what cannot be.

Those who watch a factory in operation can see the workers creating a product before their eyes. They cannot see the investment that made that factory possible in the first place, much less the thinking that went into assessing whether the market for the product was sufficient to justify the expense, or the analysis and trial-and-error experience that made possible the technology with which the workers are working or the vast amounts of knowledge and insights required to deal with ever-changing markets in an ever-changing economy and society.

A New Ladder Of Citizen Participation Pdf To Excel Pdf

Ignoring or disregarding such things makes it possible to believe that only those currently handling tangible objects before our eyes are creating wealth and that any of that wealth which goes to others represents 'exploitation' of r its real producers. Crude as such a conception may be, it has held a powerful ; Sway over numerous political leaders and their followers, in countries around the world. l Tanzania's legendary and charismatic leader Julius Nyerere, surveying with painful honesty his country's economic disasters under his socialist government, declared that at least he had prevented foreign capitalists from carrying away Tanzania's wealth for their own profit. Implicit in the fear of foreign 'exploitation' is a vision of a zero-sum process, were one can gain only if others lose. Insupportable as such a vision would be if one paused to examine it, either logically or empirically, implicit assumptions survive precisely because they are not examined.

The kinds of ideas about exploitation which Julius Nyerere exemplified in flea also long prevailed in Latin America. Under the influence of dependency theory,' many Latin American nations restricted their economic transactions with wealthier industrial nations of North America and Western Europe, lest these capitalists exploit them. Only after many years of painful economic failures in trying to produce internally the goods which could have been bought more cheaply in the world market did Latin America's governments eventually abandon dependency theory and the self-destructive economic policies based on it. Perhaps even more remarkable, this theory eventually lost ground even among Latin American intellectuals. Yet what a price was paid in the meantime by those Latin American peoples whose standards of living were needlessly kept lower than they could have been with the available resources and technology. Misconceptions are more than mere intellectual problems. They can have large and painful human consequences.

As is so often the case, the economic realities are not very complicated, but there is nevertheless a great difficulty in extricating ourselves from tangled myths and misconceptions. This is especially so when it comes to labor, for people's work has been sufficiently central to their lives to help define who they are, as reflected in the great number of family names which are based on occupations-Smith, Shepherd, Weaver, Carpenter, Mason, Wright, Miller, Brewer,

Тут вы можете оставить комментарий к выбранному абзацу или сообщить об ошибке.

Оставленные комментарии видны всем.

• #
  22.08.20132.32 Mб154Skousen The Big Three in Economics - Smith, Marx, Keynes (Sharpe, 2007).pdf
• #
  22.08.20133.79 Mб97Smart An Introduction to the Theory of Value.pdf
• #
  22.08.20134.21 Mб102Smith A. The Wealth of Nations An Inquiry Into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (1776).pdf
• #
  22.08.20133.18 Mб1133Snowdon & Vane Modern Macroeconomics.pdf
• #
  22.08.20131.08 Mб267Sowell Applied Economics Thinking Beyond Stage One (revised and enlarged ed).pdf
• #
  22.08.20131.06 Mб2517Sowell Basic Economics A Citizen's Guide to the Economy.pdf
• #
  22.08.20134.01 Mб376Sowell Economic Facts and Fallacies (Basic Books; 2008).pdf
• #
  22.08.201316.2 Mб77Strigl Capital and Production.pdf
• #
  22.08.201314.69 Mб381Thompson Work Organisations A Critical Introduction (3rd ed).pdf
• #
  22.08.20131.68 Mб67Tisdell Economics of Environmental Conservation (2nd ed).pdf
• #
  22.08.201316.79 Mб61Tracy A Treatise on Political Economy.pdf